Syria must be reunited and the international community must contribute to peace efforts, says Bishop Hanna Jallouf.

In an interview with Vatican Media, Apostolic Vicar of Aleppo and spiritual leader of Syria’s Latin Catholics, discussed the traumatic situation enveloping the divided country.

Heavy clashes began on Thursday between mostly Alawite-supporters of former president Bashar al-Assad and the country's new rulers in the coastal Latakia region, home to the Alawite minority associated with the Assad family. The Alawites are the second-largest religious group in Syria after Sunni Muslims. The Assad-led state recruited heavily from the Alawite community for its army and security apparatus.

Within 72 hours, more than 1,300 people were killed, many of whom were civilians. According to the United Nations, in the retaliatory attacks in the region, entire Alawite families with women and children were killed, many Alawite civilians had their homes burned down, and have been facing forced displacement. The lack of response on the part of the international community has exacerbated the situation, leading to calls for investigations and accountability. 

In his interview, Bishop Jallouf discusses whether recent armed clashes are once again pushing the country toward civil war, and whether the new regime is keeping its promises of pursuing national reunification and tolerance toward minorities. He also warns against foreign powers fueling internal divisions.

What Is happening in Syria? Are the recent armed clashes pushing the country back into civil war? Is the new regime of Ahmed al-Sharaa betraying its promises of national reunification and tolerance toward minorities?

From the reports we have gathered through our faithful and the official version provided by government authorities, it appears that militants loyal to ousted President Bashar al-Assad attempted an armed uprising aimed at overthrowing the current regime. This initiative was then harshly repressed by pro-government forces.

According to initial reconstructions, the plan seems to have been devised in the preceding days during a meeting between former Alawite officials from Assad's government, the Syrian branch of Hezbollah, and pro-Iranian Shiite militias. However, the clashes have been limited to the Mediterranean coastal strip, starting in Jableh and spreading through Latakia province up to the inland border of Homs.

During the first attack, about twenty soldiers of the new government were reportedly killed, with a similar number in a second attack on a government-manned checkpoint. This led to a severe crackdown by government forces, resulting in hundreds of deaths. Unfortunately, I have learned that some Christians were also killed—though accidentally, not because they were Christians.

Would you say, just three months after the change of the regime, that we are seeing the return of civil war in Syria?

I would be inclined to say no, for several reasons. First, it is important to note that these are very localized incidents that have not, so far, spread to the rest of the country. Here in Aleppo, as well as in Damascus, the situation is completely calm.

Second, when a regime change happens as suddenly as it did on December 8th—and in a country already torn by years of civil war—it takes time for political, social, and military stabilization. This transition period can see strong tensions emerge. There are also personal and clan interests that have been compromised, and some groups may seek revenge.

Third, when we talk about 'government forces,' we are not referring to a structured army, like the previous one that dissolved like snow in the sun, but to armed groups led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. Since they do not answer to a single unified command, it is possible that some of these groups are acting with excessive violence against the insurgents.

Does this contradict the calls for national reconciliation expressed by the new leadership after the change of the regime?

I believe that the statements made in recent hours by interim President Shara’ reflect caution and responsibility. On one hand, he said that hostile resistance from supporters of the old regime was expected and must be forcefully repelled. On the other hand, he continues to affirm that there is no other path for Syria than national reconciliation through coexistence among the various ethnic and religious communities in our land.

How would you describe what Is happening at the Syrian-Israeli border?

Israel continues to occupy Syrian territories beyond the old Golan border, seemingly without any indication that this will be temporary. Israel justifies its latest military actions as defense and support for Druze populations.

There have been acts of violence against the Druze by autonomous Islamic militias in Suwayda and Jaramana, a suburb of the capital, which the Damascus government failed to prevent. However, it remains unclear what Israel's true intentions are. Similarly, the real motivations of other historical players in this region—Russia, the US, and Turkey—are also uncertain.

We hope there will be no further foreign interests fueling internal divisions. Syria must be reunited, and for that to happen, it must first be independent.

In such a precarious and tense context, what do you believe is the role of Christians?

We remain committed to the promises made by President Shara’ for the respect and full participation of all minorities, whether ethnic or religious. Now, we want to see concrete actions from the new government in this regard.

In fact, we do not wish to be seen as a minority anymore—we want equal rights and duties in the new Syria. Along with other bishops from different Christian denominations, I took part in the congress for drafting the new Constitution. We submitted our proposals in terms of peace, unity, independence, and multi-religious coexistence. These were recorded and accepted.

We expect the international community to contribute to building peace in Syria as well.